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Corporal Punishment is Allowed in This Country - Full Episode - World's Strictest Parents

Others asserted that the law contradicted the Christian faith. Despite these objections, the law received almost unanimous support in Parliament.

The law was accompanied by a public education campaign by the Swedish Ministry of Justice, including brochures distributed to all households with children, as well as informational posters and notices printed on milk cartons.

One thing that helped pave the way for the ban was a murder case where a 3-year-old girl was beaten to death by her stepfather. The case shook the general public and preventing child abuse became a political hot topic for years to come.

In , a group of Swedish parents brought a complaint to the European Commission of Human Rights asserting that the ban on parental physical punishment breached their right to respect for family life and religious freedom; the complaint was dismissed.

According to the Swedish Institute , "Until the s, nine out of ten preschool children in Sweden were spanked at home.

Slowly, though, more and more parents voluntarily refrained from its use and corporal punishment was prohibited throughout the educational system in ".

As of [update] , approximately 5 percent of Swedish children are spanked illegally. In Sweden, professionals working directly with children are obliged to report any suggestion of maltreatment to social services.

Allegations of assault against children are frequently handled in special "children's houses", which combine the efforts of police, prosecutors, social services, forensic scientists and child psychologists.

The Children and Parents Code does not itself impose penalties for smacking children, but instances of corporal punishment that meet the criteria of assault may be prosecuted.

From the s to the s, there was a steady decline in the numbers of parents who use physical punishment as well as those who believe in its use.

In the s, more than 90 percent of Swedish parents reported using physical punishment, even though only approximately 55 percent supported its use.

By the s, the gap between belief and practice had nearly disappeared, with slightly more than 10 percent of parents reporting that they use corporal punishment.

In , the first year that Swedish children were asked to report their experiences of corporal punishment, 35 percent said they had been smacked at some point.

According to the Swedish Ministry of Health and Social Affairs , this number was considerably lower after the year Interviews with parents also revealed a sharp decline in more severe forms of punishment, such as punching or the use of objects to hit children, which are likely to cause injury.

The Ministry of Health and Social Affairs and Save the Children ascribe these changes to a number of factors, including the development of Sweden's welfare system; greater equality between the sexes and generations than elsewhere in the world; the large number of children attending daycare centers, which facilitate the identification of children being mistreated; and efforts by neonatal and children's medical clinics to reduce family violence.

While cases of suspected assault on children have risen since the early s, this rise can be attributed to an increase in reporting due to reduced tolerance of violence against children, rather than an increase in actual assaults.

Since the ban on physical punishment, the percentage of reported assaults that result in prosecution has not increased; however, Swedish social services investigate all such allegations and provide supportive measures to the family where needed.

According to Joan Durrant, the ban on corporal punishment was intended to be "educational rather than punitive". There have also been more social-service interventions done with parental consent and fewer compulsory interventions.

According to Durrant, data from various official sources in Sweden show that these goals are being met.

Since , reports of assaults against children in Sweden have increased—as they have worldwide, following the 'discovery' of child abuse. However, the proportion of suspects who are in their twenties, and therefore raised in a no-smacking culture, has decreased since , as has the proportion born in the Nordic nations with corporal punishment bans.

Contrary to expectations of an increase of juvenile delinquency following the ban of corporal punishment, youth crime remained steady while theft convictions and suspects in narcotics crimes among Swedish youth significantly decreased; youth drug and alcohol use and youth suicide also decreased.

Durrant writes: "While drawing a direct causal link between the corporal punishment ban and any of these social trends would be too simplistic, the evidence presented here indicates that the ban has not had negative effects".

Further research has shown no sign of a rise in crimes by young people. From the mids into the s, youth crime decreased, primarily owing to fewer instances of theft and vandalism, while violent crime remained constant.

Most young people in Sweden who commit offences do not become habitual criminals, according to the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Part of the Politics series on Youth rights Activities. Bailey v. Drexel Furniture Co.

Dagenhart History of youth rights in the United States Morse v. Age of candidacy Age of consent Age of majority Age of marriage Behavior modification facility Child labour Children in the military Child marriage Compulsory education Conscription Corporal punishment at home at school in law Curfew Child abuse Emancipation of minors Gambling age Homeschooling Human rights and youth sport In loco parentis Juvenile delinquency Juvenile court Legal drinking age Legal working age Minimum driving age Marriageable age Minor law Minors and abortion Restavec School leaving age Smoking age Status offense Underage drinking in the US Voting age Youth-adult partnership Youth participation Youth politics Youth voting.

See also: Child corporal punishment laws. Corporal punishment not illegal. Corporal punishment illegal in schools only.

Corporal punishment legal in schools and in the home. Spring Duke University School of Law. World Report on Violence Against Children.

Archived from the original PDF on 27 January Retrieved 3 December J Pediatr Health Care. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Science Daily.

Retrieved 12 March New York. The Times. Spanking and other forms of physical punishment. Stockholm: Statistics Sweden. Psychological Bulletin.

Social psychology. Hoboken, NJ. Why spanking doesn't work: stopping this bad habit and getting the upper hand on effective discipline.

Springville, Utah: Bonneville Books. Archived from the original on 28 November Retrieved 12 February Human Rights Watch.

Archived from the original PDF on 7 March Retrieved 22 November Archived from the original on 19 December Retrieved 27 June Council of Europe.

Strasbourg: Council of Europe. Archived from the original PDF on 9 August International Journal of Children's Rights.

It Hurts You Inside: Children talking about smacking. London: National Children's Bureau. Boston, Mass. Canadian Medical Association Journal.

November September Child Development Perspectives. The New Zealand Medical Journal. October Corporal punishment and child physical abuse".

Am J Prev Med. UNC School of Medicine. That has some disadvantages and some advantages. One of the advantages is that the judgment of behavior and decision about punishment will not be blinded by love.

How many parents would sentence their homicidal offspring to lengthy prison terms? Moreover, not all institutional settings are equally impersonal.

Schools are much more personal than state courts. Teachers know their pupils better and are likely to care more for them than judges do for the accuseds that stand before them.

Punishment in schools can thus be seen as serving a useful educational purpose. It facilitates the move from the jurisdiction of the family to the jurisdiction of the state, teaching the child that punishment is not always inflicted by close people who love one and know one.

This is not to say that teachers, like judges, should not inquire into relevant aspects of a wrongdoer's background before inflicting a severe punishment.

Those who oppose corporal punishment do not normally do so on the basis of a single argument. Usually they muster a battery of reasons to support their view.

They do not root their arguments in particular theories of punishment -- theories that justify the institution of punishment -- and say why corporal punishment fails to meet the theoretical requirements.

In many cases, this may be because they lack a theory of punishment. However, it should be said in their favor that having a theory of punishment is little help, by itself, in determining whether corporal punishment is ever morally acceptable.

This is because the traditional theories of punishment in themselves do not commit one to accepting or rejecting corporal punishment.

A number of issues mediate the application of the theories to the question of corporal punishment. For example, for consequentialist theories of punishment, the relevant considerations include the effectiveness of corporal punishment, either as a deterrent or reform, and the extent of any adverse side effects.

For retributivists, punishment is justified if it is deserved. Retributivists are not concerned about the consequences of punishment, but they do consider the means of punishment.

Thus, an important question for them is whether corporal punishment is an unacceptably cruel or degrading form of punishment. Retributivism per se says nothing about what constitutes an unacceptable form of punishment, just as utilitarianism itself cannot tell what kinds of punishment are effective or harmful.

Thus we cannot turn to the theories themselves for answers to these questions. I shall not probe the theoretical foundations or venture any view about which theory of punishment is correct.

This is because I take the theoretical background to be largely beyond the scope of this paper. There is a vast literature on whether punishment can be justified and I cannot hope to contribute to that here.

Instead, I restrict my attention to the question of corporal punishment. The arguments raised by those who believe that corporal punishment should never be inflicted are that corporal punishment 1 leads to abuse; 2 is degrading; 3 is psychologically damaging; 4 stems from and causes sexual deviance; 5 teaches the wrong lesson; 6 arises from and causes poor relationships between teachers or parents and children; and 7 does not deter.

I shall now consider each of these arguments in turn. Opponents of corporal punishment make regular reference to the frequency and severity of physical punishments that are inflicted upon children.

They suggest that corporal punishment "escalates into battering,"5 or at least increases the risk that those who punish will "cross the line to physical abuse.

Clearly there are instances of abuse and of abusive physical punishment. But that is insufficient to demonstrate even a correlation between corporal punishment and abuse, and a fortiori a causal relationship.

Research into possible links between corporal punishment and abuse has proved inconclusive so far. Some studies have suggested that abusive parents use corporal punishment more than nonabusive parents, but other studies have shown this not to be the case.

These findings are far from decisive, but they caution us against hasty conclusions about the abusive effects of corporal punishment.

The fact that there are some parents and teachers who inflict physical punishment in an abusive way does not entail the conclusion that corporal punishment should never be inflicted by anybody.

If it did have this entailment, then, for example, the consumption of any alcohol by anybody prior to driving would have to be condemned on the grounds that some people cannot control how much alcohol they consume before driving.

Just as we prohibit the excessive but not the moderate use of alcohol prior to driving, so should we condemn the abusive but not the nonabusive use of corporal punishment.

One argument that is intended as an attack on both mild and severe cases of corporal punishment makes the claim that physically punishing people degrades them.

I understand degradation to involve a lowering of somebody's standing, where the relevant sense of standing has to do with how others regard one, and how one regards oneself.

It is the interplay between the way we understand how others view us and the way that we view ourselves that produces feelings such as shame.

Thus one way in which one might be degraded is by being shamed. In order to respond satisfactorily to the objection that corporal punishment is degrading, clarification is required about whether the term "degrade" is taken to have a normative content , or, in other words, whether it is taken to embody a judgment of wrongfulness.

If it is not, then it will not be sufficient to show that corporal punishment is degrading. It will have to be shown that it is unacceptably so before it can be judged to be wrong on those grounds.

If, by contrast, "degrade" is taken to embody a judgment of wrongfulness then a demonstration that corporal punishment is degrading will suffice to show that it is wrong.

But then the argumentative work will have to be done in showing that corporal punishment is degrading because it will have to be shown that it amounts to an unacceptable lowering of somebody's standing.

Either way, the vexing question is whether corporal punishment involves an unacceptable lowering of somebody's standing. Here it is noteworthy that there are other forms of punishment that lower people's standing even more than corporal punishment, and yet are not subject to similar condemnation.

Consider, for example, various indignities attendant upon imprisonment, including severe invasions of privacy such as strip-searches and ablution facilities that require relieving oneself in full view of others as well as imposed subservience to prison wardens, guards, and even to more powerful fellow inmates.

My intuitions suggest that this lowering of people's standing surpasses that implicit in corporal punishment per se, even though it is obviously the case that corporal punishment could be meted out in a manner in which it were aggravated.

If corporal punishment is wrong because it involves violating the intimate zone of a person's body, then surely the extreme invasions of prison inmates' privacy, which seem worse, would also be wrong.

It is true that corporal punishment involves the application of direct and intense power to the body, but I do not see how that constitutes a more severe lowering of somebody's standing than employing indirect and mild power in the course of a strip-search, for example.

It is true too that the prison invasions of privacy to which I have referred would be inflicted on adults whereas corporal punishment would be imposed on children, but again I fail to see how that difference makes physical punishment of children worse.

In the case of young children especially, it seems that the element of shame would be less than that of adults given that the capacities for shame increase between the time one is a toddler and the time one becomes an adult.

Therefore , if we think that current practices in prison life are not wrong on grounds of degradation, then we cannot consistently say that all corporal punishment is wrong on these grounds.

It is claimed that corporal punishment has numerous adverse psychological effects, including depression, inhibition, rigidity, lowered self-esteem and heightened anxiety.

Although there is evidence that excessive corporal punishment can significantly increase the chances of such psychological harm, most of the psychological data are woefully inadequate to the task of demonstrating that mild and infrequent corporal punishment has such consequences.

One opponent of corporal punishment who has provided data on even mild and infrequent physical chastisement is Murray Straus.

However, for two reasons this research is inadequate to the task of demonstrating that mild corporal punishment is wrong.

First, the studies are not conclusive. The main methodological problem is that the studies are not experiments but post facto investigations based on self-reports.

The second point is that even if Professor Straus's findings are valid, the nature of the data is insufficiently marked to justify a moral condemnation of mild and infrequent corporal punishment.

For instance, the increase of depression, according to his study, is not substantial for rare physical punishment.

The increments on his Mean Symptoms Index of depression are only slight for one or two instances of corporal punishment during one's teen years.

The increments are somewhat more substantial for three to nineteen incidents of corporal punishment but, surprisingly, for twenty to twenty-nine incidents the Mean Symptoms Index falls again nearly to the level of two episodes of corporal punishment.

For ten to nineteen instances of physical punishment the likelihood of having suicidal thoughts is approximately the same as it is for those who are not beaten at all during adolescence.

The probability increases markedly for more than twenty-nine episodes of physical punishment during one's teens,14 as one would expect when many beatings are administered.

Professor Straus does not provide data about how physical punishment during preteen childhood affects the likelihood of depression, which would have been interesting given that one might expect corporal punishment to be psychologically more damaging to adolescents than to younger children.

Given that even the data suggesting that very rare instances of mild corporal punishment do have some negative effects also suggest that the effects are not substantial, there is a strong likelihood that they could be overridden by other considerations in a consequentialist calculation.

In other words, showing some negative effects is not sufficient to make a consequentialist case against all corporal punishment.

Other considerations, including possible advantages of corporal punishment, would have to be taken into account.

Moreover, because the available evidence shows no serious harm from mild and infrequent corporal punishment, there seem to be poor grounds for suggesting that for retributivists the punishment should be regarded as unacceptably severe.

Those who want to outlaw corporal punishment often argue that there are disturbing sexual undercurrents in the practice.

In part it is a separate, but related objection. The argument is that corporal punishment stems from some sexual perversity on the part of the person inflicting the punishment and can in turn cause sexual deviance in the person punished.

In some versions of this argument, it is claimed that sadomasochistic relationships can develop between the beater and the beaten. In other versions, only one party -- usually but not always the beater -- may experience sexual excitement through the beating.

The beaten person may become sexually repressed. It is no accident, the argument goes, that the buttocks are often chosen as the site on the body to which the punishment is administered.

Those who advance the objection that corporal punishment fosters masochism are rarely clear about the nature of the masochistic inclinations that they say are produced.

Yet, it is crucial to be clear about this. Studies show that most people have been sexually aroused, either in fantasy or in practice, by at least some mild masochistic activity, such as restraint or play fights.

That does not preclude their being undesirable, but it is hard to see how, in an era of increased tolerance of diversity in sexual orientation and practice, we can consistently label mild masochism as perverse.

If such inclinations increase opportunities for sexual pleasure without concomitant harms, then there is at least a prima facie case for the view that such inclinations are not to be regretted.

And if one objects to those masochistic inclinations that seek gratification in more serious pain, injury, and bondage, there is no evidence of which I am aware that mild and infrequent corporal punishment fosters such inclinations.

The available evidence linking corporal punishment and masochism makes the connection only with milder forms of masochistic fantasy and practice.

It is, of course, a concern that some parents or teachers might derive sexual gratification from beating children, but is it a reason to eliminate or ban the practice?

Someone might suggest that it is, if the anticipated sexual pleasure led to beatings that were inappropriate -- either because children were beaten when they should not have been, or if the punishment were administered in an improper manner.

However, if this is the concern, surely the fitting response would be to place limitations on the use of the punishment and, at least in schools, to monitor and enforce compliance.

Here we are not without examples to follow. For example, given the intimacy of a medical examination, the doctor-patient relationship is one that is prone to sexual undercurrents.

Needless to say, it is a disturbing thought that doctors may be sexually aroused while examining patients, but we cannot easily monitor that.

Our response then, is to lay down guidelines to curb any abuses that might ensue. I am aware that medical examinations are necessary in a way in which corporal punishment is not, but corporal punishment might nonetheless fulfill an important function.

It is often said that punishing a wrongdoer by inflicting pain conveys the message that violence is an appropriate way to settle differences or to respond to problems.

This implicit message is believed to reach the level of a contradiction in those cases where the child is hit for having committed some act of violence -- like assaulting another child.

Where this happens, it is claimed, the child is given the violent message that violence is wrong. The child is told that he was wrong to commit an act of violence and yet the parent or the teacher conveys this message through violence.

Not only are such messages thought to be wrong in themselves, but it is claimed that they are then acted upon by the child who is hit.

It is these arguments that lie behind the adage "violence breeds violence. First , there is a reductio ad absurdum. The argument about the message implicit in violence seems to prove too much.

If we suggest that hitting a wrongdoer imparts the message that violence is a fitting means to resolve conflict, then surely we should be committed to saying that detaining a child or imprisoning a convict conveys the message that restricting liberty is an appropriate manner to deal with people who displease one.

We would also be required to concede that fining people conveys the message that forcing others to give up some of their property is an acceptable way to respond to those who act in a way that one does not like.

If beatings send a message, why don't detentions, imprisonments, fines, and a multitude of other punishments convey equally undesirable messages?

The argument proves too much because it proves that all punishment conveys inappropriate messages and so is wrong. It is a reductio because this conclusion is absurd.

Those who want to replace punishment with therapy would not be immune to the reductio either. Providing therapy would convey the message that people with whom one disagrees are to be viewed as sick and deserving of treatment.

This leads to the second argument. The objection takes too crude a view of human psychology and the message that punishment can impart.

There is all the difference in the world between legitimate authorities -- the judiciary, parents, or teachers -- using punitive powers responsibly to punish wrongdoing, and children or private citizens going around beating each other, locking each other up, and extracting financial tributes such as lunch money.

There is a vast moral difference here and there is no reason why children should not learn about it. Punishing children when they do wrong seems to be one important way of doing this.

To suggest that children and others cannot extract this message, but only the cruder version that the objection suggests, is to underestimate the expressive function of punishment and people's ability to comprehend it.

There is a possible response to my arguments. Perhaps it is true that, conceptually, the message that punishment conveys is more sophisticated.

Nevertheless, those who are beaten do commit violence against others. It might not be that they got this message from the punishment, but that being subject to the willful infliction of pain causes rage and this gets vented through acts of violence on others.

This brings me to my third response. There is insufficient evidence that the properly restricted use of corporal punishment causes increased violence.

Although Murray Straus's study suggests that there is a correlation between rare corporal punishment and increased violence, the study has some significant defects, as I noted earlier, and the significance of his findings has been questioned in the light of other studies.

Note again, however, that even if it were shown that there is some increase in violence, something more is required in order to make a moral case against the corporal punishment that causes it.

On a consequentialist view, for example, one would have to show that this negative effect is not overridden by any benefits there might be to corporal punishment.

Next there is a cluster of arguments about the relationship between corporal punishment and teacher-pupil relations.

First, it is claimed that for a teacher to employ corporal punishment indicates that the teacher has failed to discourage pupil wrongdoing in other ways -- by moral authority, by a system of rewards, or by milder punishments.

I am sympathetic to the claim that far too many teachers fail to foster an atmosphere of mutual respect between their pupils and themselves. They lack the ability or the inclination verbally to communicate expectations to children -- first gently and then more strenuously.

They do not first employ milder forms of punishment but rather resort to the cane in the first instance. Some might not believe in rewarding good behavior, only in punishing bad.

However, from the claim that corporal punishment often indicates teacher failure, we cannot infer that it necessarily demonstrates such failure or even that as a matter of fact it always does.

It is true that when the teacher resorts to corporal punishment this indicates that his prior efforts to discourage the wrongdoing failed.

However, there is a big difference between this, a failure in the pupil, and a failure in the teacher. In either case it is true, in some sense, that the teacher failed to discourage the child from doing wrong -- failed to prevent failure in the child.

However, it is not a failure for which the teacher necessarily is responsible. I am well aware that the responsibility for children's wrongdoing is all too often placed exclusively at the door of children themselves, without due attention to the influences to which they are subjected.

However, there is a danger that in rejecting this incorrect evaluation, teachers and parents will be blamed for all shortcomings in children.

This argument can be strengthened further. If we say that corporal punishment indicates the failure of prior efforts, then we must concede that the immediately prior efforts -- say, detaining the child -- equally indicate the failure of the still earlier efforts --admonition -- that indicate the failure of yet earlier efforts -- moral example.

Once we see this, it becomes clearer why, although it is the case that earlier efforts may have failed, it is not sufficient to say that the failure is in the teacher.

To reject this would lead to the conclusion that the teacher is responsible for the child's not following the teacher's moral example.

We can now also see why the argument that corporal punishment indicates failure is as much an argument against any of the prior attempts except the first to prevent wrongdoing.

Just as school corporal punishment is seen by its opponents as originating in failed pedagogical relationships, so it is believed to compromise them further.

Thus it is perceived as exacerbating the very problems from which it arises. The pupils, it is said, begin to fear their teachers and view them as enemies rather than concerned custodians charged with furthering their well-being and development, both mental and otherwise.

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